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Philosophy
THESIS XII
A PHILOSOPHICAL NEWSLETTER
Volume 2 • Number 2
October 1994
INSIDE THIS ISSUE:
• RESPONSES TO TESSMAN (Cont.)
Matt Silliman, O. Z. Bronstein and Jeff Lawrence
• THE LANGUAGE OF CONCEPTS:
A Debate
David Luczynski and Stan Yake
• WHAT ABOUT THE EXTERNAL
WORLD? Response to Johnson
Neil Feit
• VIOLENCE AND SELF DEFENSE
Diana Davine
• THE CONSEQUENCES OF
SKEPTICISM
Jason McCauley
• THE TEACHER AS LISTENER: Rethinking
Wait-Time
Diana Davine
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Pornography and Domination
Responses to Tessman
I am drawn to Lisa Tessman's attempt to specify the conditions for a
community to determine discursively its moral norms, though I wonder about
whether it makes sense when followed through. Clearly, in our society
some people's speech and expression is "privileged" (heard, funded, profitable,
influential), and other people's is not, and the criteria of distinction
are arbitrary and usually unjust. I grant, therefore, that we do
not have, in such a context of domination, the conditions for truly free
speech, in the sense of speech which is unconditioned by oppressive
circumstances.
In any other than a vanishingly small community, however, it is difficult
to imagine creating the ideal conditions which Tessman seems to posit
as a precondition for a morally legitimate dialogue. Not everyone
can speak and be heard in precisely the same measure by everyone else;
inevitably, some people's voices would be louder or more articulate, their
artistic expressions more powerful and influential. Those people's
speech would thus become privileged over the others'; even among
a small group deeply committed to mutual respect and attention, such differences
seem to follow from the natural fact of human diversity (and too
little diversity would hint at an oppressive selection criterion
for inclusion in the group).
If we insist on absolutely free speech as a precondition for any
of our speech to be legitimate in a civic dialogue, we condemn ourselves
to illegitimacy, and our moral theory will run afoul of the dictum "ought
implies can."
I do not issue this in defense of pornography; nor do I think it is
pointless to envision ideality as a direction-pointer for pursuing change.
I am concerned, however, that the ideal we imagine not require conditions
which are unattainable even in theory, for to do so gives us no real direction
toward which to work, thus condemning us to the status quo. To theorize
freedom adequately, we must be able to distinguish (and legitimate) varying
degrees of it, and imagine a process by which our dialogue grows in legitimacy
while moving toward it.
Matt Silliman
NASC
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In regard to Lisa Tessman's comments on pornography and free
speech, one can only sigh to witness the common misconception that pornography
is inherently oppressive and responsible for the silencing of certain people.
Pornography is the name many people use to define male domination in
the form of sexual literature, film, or photographs. In fact, pornography
is, as defined by Webster's Dictionary, just "matter intended to arouse
sexual feelings." There is no mention of pornography being
restricted to the domination of women by men. In fact, the fastest
growing segment of pornography is that produced by women and in a manner
more consistent with equality, indicating that pornography can work without
being unequal in its content and free of male domination. And even though
most of today's pornography is still male-structured and -dominated, pornography
itself is still not oppressive -- the people who make certain types of
pornography are. In essence one rejects not the
pornography but the persons who are responsible for making pornography
degrading to women.
As for Tessman's statement that "the promotion of pornography is not
an exercise of free speech, but anexercise of privileged speech," I would
say that speech
is free and governed only by those who believe in what is being said.
Who might these "privileged" ones be anyway? Is it the males who
have the means to communicate pornographic ideas to a large number of people
through the exercise of power, money, and manipulation? If so, are
these people so privileged in their powers that they can control how we
are to respect one another? I would say that the power that has been
given to pornography comes not from the "privileged" but from those who
insist on suppressing the right to express oneself through pornography.
I think it is most important to remember that we are responsible for
what we believe and how we choose to live. Our environment only sets
the stage; we are the actual performers. Unfortunately, many today
choose to cry foul, to play the "victim" and say they are "silenced."
Since no form of prohibition has ever been successful, and since the claim
that "one is silenced" only reduces the potential for change, all change
comes from within and not through censorship. The root of all beliefs
is an ideology that somehow informs us, but does not dictate to us what
is right. It follows that what is moral for one human cannot be determined,
as Tessman suggests, by the collectivity.
Jeff Lawrence
NASC
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In response to Lisa Tessman's essay "Free Speech and Domination," I
must take issue with her use of the word "domination" and its various forms
in relation to pornography. While I grant that pornography is a practice
which is repugnant on several levels, I question whether it, strictly speaking,
is an agent of "domination" in the true sense of the term. I would
argue
that the form tends more towards marginalization of those involved
than strict domination. It is difficult in a society as complex as
ours to attribute an overwhelming force such as domination to a single
element of that society. It is better, in my opinion, to say that
pornography influences domination.
There is, however, a significant link between marginalization and domination.
Leon Trotsky, for instance, was dominated by the Stalinist establishment
in the Soviet Union through his marginalization by the mainstream dictatorship.
It is logical for domination to follow from marginalization, but I question
whether the end result can be achieved without analyzing the preceding
steps.
O. Z. Bronstein
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The Language of Concepts:
A Debate
Professor Stanley Yake recently claimed that all concepts must be communicated
through written or spoken language. In an effort to disprove that
assertion, I offer the following as possible examples of non-linguistic
concepts:
(A) As a group of musicians plays a piece of music night after
night, it begins to change subtly. One musician's change on a particular
night may be taken up and augmented by other musicians at other times.
Has this group of musicians not communicated concepts to each other without
communicating linguistically?
(B) Can a dog have a concept of a bone? The dog cannot
communicate through language. Does this mean that dogs are not rational
beings (i.e., that they cannot have concepts)? Won't a dog who is
offered a cardboard bone run across a room to examine it, then refuse it
because it does not smell or taste like a bone? This indicates a
nonlinguistic understanding of the concept "bone" by the dog.
David Luczynski
NASC
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Yake Responds:
Re (A): I think the following is a better account of the musicians
at work: The musicians cue to each other's sounds, and modify their
own actions based on what they hear and on what they anticipate hearing.
Does that mean they now have the same concept of the musical "piece"?
I don't think so. They have made it through some musical piece once
and a transcriber could take the recorded sound and write notation for
it. You then have a musical score that could be read and replayed.
But in what sense was any concept communicated? On reflection, they
may come up with a clear idea of what they did or of the form they were
attempting to develop, but in the course of their improvisational playing
they were not communicating a concept to each other.
Re (B): Dogs are not rational creatures, if we mean by "rational"
that they can think discursively. A dog may be able to "discard"
or "avoid" things we call "non-bones," but we have no reason to believe
that he or she could describe the difference between a bone and a piece
of meat.
Stan Yake
NASC
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What About the External
World?
Response to Johnson
There are various kinds of objects of mental experience: concepts or
ideas, sense data, and so on. The representative realist makes an
inference from the existence of such mental items -- sense data especially
-- to their causes, namely persisting, external physical objects.
The constructivist complains that the inference is not legitimate, since
it goes beyond what is given by the experience of the senses.
Johnson asks for responses to a particular constructivist challenge
to representative realism, which goes as follows: suppose that a realist
has a certain concept, for example, what the realist would say is the concept
of a certain tree (it might be a visual image). The realist cannot
know which object her concept represents, the challenge goes, because in
order to know this she must (1) be acquainted with the object, the concept,
and the relation of representation between the concept and the object;
and (2) be acquainted with the object in some way other than by means of
concepts. Since (1) and (2) cannot be satisfied, the realist cannot
claim to know which object the concept represents; even if it seems to
her that she is looking directly at the tree!
These are knotty philosophical problems, but I will try to make a few
remarks. I grant that a conscious experiencer may be acquainted with
objects only by means of concepts, if these are broadly understood to include
sense data. However, I deny that anything more than this is necessary for
someone's knowing which objects her concepts represent. This is a
denial of (2) above. One of the problems here is that the phrase
"knowing which" is context-sensitive (for example, I know which person
is the Republican senatorial candidate; but if I were in a room with Mitt
Romney and several look-alikes, I would not know which person was the Republican
senatorial candidate). Condition (2) does not seem to me to be necessary
-- if I have a visual image of a tree, most likely this alone lets me know
which object the image represents: it is the tree at which I am looking
(where the relation being a visual image of is the relation of representation
between the concept and the object).
No doubt the constructivist will be dissatisfied; but then a reason
must be given as to why this perfectly ordinary use of the phrase "know
which" is unsatisfactory. I suggest that the realist view gives the
best explanation of our multifarious sense experience: the inference that
persisting external objects cause our sense data is by far the best way
to organize these fleeting experiences (the pen with which I now write
is the very same as the one with which I began, despite the difference
in my sense impressions). We should claim to have some knowledge
about the external world, and such knowledge, when it is useful, is useful
because it is true; not the other way around.
Neil Feit
NASC
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The Consequences of Skepticism
All of our knowledge is of experience and all experience is gained through
perception, but what does this mean? To answer this question we must
first look at what perception is.
Given that we are part of the world, it follows directly that our sensory
apparatus are also part of the world. So what we are doing when we
perceive is interacting with the rest of the world, and what we call a
perception is an example of that interaction. Further, if all of
our knowledge is of experience and all of our experience is comprised solely
of perceptions, then all of our knowledge is knowledge of the interactions
between our senses and the rest of the world.
It follows that any judgments or valuations that we as individuals make
must rest on this interaction. I will further claim that all judgments
and valuations must be made on the basis of our own individual interactions
with the world, because to do otherwise would be to guess.
Furthermore, because of our individuality in the way we interact, it
would follow that the judgments and valuations we make would also be individual.
I will conclude from this that any moral system that attempts to
delineate universally the right and wrong of specific actions is bankrupt.
Jason McCauley
NASC
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The Teacher as Listener:
Rethinking Wait-time
At times, pedagogical reform is rooted in the simplest of concepts.
A case in point: so-called wait-time (the time we allow someone to respond
to a question), if extended long enough, can help to replace the ubiquitous
rhetorical questioning of teachers ("Now, when I divide here I get?") with
a more genuine form of communication ("What would you do now?").
Studies suggest that actual wait-time is much shorter than teachers
imagine it to be -- averaging, in fact, only about one second in duration.
The common practice of punctuating lectures with brief wait-time forces
students to ask general, often non-conceptual, questions ("How do you do
#3?) rather than those that are of a more specific, partially worked-out,
nature ("When I try to identify the premises and conclusion of this argument...").
Questions and comments of this latter variety are among our most valuable
means of achieving insight into the thought processes of others.
As wait-time decreases, as we meddle with our students' responses to fit
better our expectations, we answer not the students but ourselves, marking
a preference for the comfortable illusion of making steady, predict-able
progress. Real listening -- hence communication -- requires extended
wait-time.
Increasing wait-time serves also to complement our abilities as lecturers.
The value of telling or
showing (i.e., lecturing) is a function of our ability to gauge accurately
our students' receptivity to the infor-mation we hope to convey.
Since all learning sets out from one's current store of information and
under-standing , not to know the details of that situation is to teach
to an imaginary student -- one probably modeled after our own under-standing
of the object of study. Lecture without wait-time threatens
to be a waste of time.
David K. Johnson
NASC
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Violence and Self-Defense
The notion of self-defense is problematic for those intent on pursuing
a philosophy of non-violence. Can a person defend his or her life
without engaging in violence? If a basic premise of moral philosophy
(including, of course, non-violent philosophies) is that each of us has
the right to life, can one reasonably expect to live non-violently in a
violent society? If an adult is responsible for the welfare of a
child, for example, is it an act of violence for that adult to pick up
a nearby baseball bat to thwart an attack by an intruder?
Diana Davine
NASC
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